Перевод: со всех языков на английский

с английского на все языки

Of What Science Consists

  • 1 Science

       It is a common notion, or at least it is implied in many common modes of speech, that the thoughts, feelings, and actions of sentient beings are not a subject of science.... This notion seems to involve some confusion of ideas, which it is necessary to begin by clearing up. Any facts are fitted, in themselves, to be a subject of science, which follow one another according to constant laws; although those laws may not have been discovered, nor even to be discoverable by our existing resources. (Mill, 1900, B. VI, Chap. 3, Sec. 1)
       One class of natural philosophers has always a tendency to combine the phenomena and to discover their analogies; another class, on the contrary, employs all its efforts in showing the disparities of things. Both tendencies are necessary for the perfection of science, the one for its progress, the other for its correctness. The philosophers of the first of these classes are guided by the sense of unity throughout nature; the philosophers of the second have their minds more directed towards the certainty of our knowledge. The one are absorbed in search of principles, and neglect often the peculiarities, and not seldom the strictness of demonstration; the other consider the science only as the investigation of facts, but in their laudable zeal they often lose sight of the harmony of the whole, which is the character of truth. Those who look for the stamp of divinity on every thing around them, consider the opposite pursuits as ignoble and even as irreligious; while those who are engaged in the search after truth, look upon the other as unphilosophical enthusiasts, and perhaps as phantastical contemners of truth.... This conflict of opinions keeps science alive, and promotes it by an oscillatory progress. (Oersted, 1920, p. 352)
       Most of the fundamental ideas of science are essentially simple, and may, as a rule, be expressed in a language comprehensible to everyone. (Einstein & Infeld, 1938, p. 27)
       A new scientific truth does not triumph by convincing its opponents and making them see the light, but rather because its opponents eventually die, and a new generation grows up that is familiar with it. (Planck, 1949, pp. 33-34)
       [Original quotation: "Eine neue wissenschaftliche Wahrheit pflegt sich nicht in der Weise durchzusetzen, dass ihre Gegner ueberzeugt werden und sich as belehrt erklaeren, sondern vielmehr dadurch, dass die Gegner allmaehlich aussterben und dass die heranwachsende Generation von vornherein mit der Wahrheit vertraut gemacht ist." (Planck, 1990, p. 15)]
       I had always looked upon the search for the absolute as the noblest and most worth while task of science. (Planck, 1949, p. 46)
       If you cannot-in the long run-tell everyone what you have been doing, your doing has been worthless. (SchroЁdinger, 1951, pp. 7-8)
       Even for the physicist the description in plain language will be a criterion of the degree of understanding that has been reached. (Heisenberg, 1958, p. 168)
       The old scientific ideal of episteґmeґ-of absolutely certain, demonstrable knowledge-has proved to be an idol. The demand for scientific objectivity makes it inevitable that every scientific statement must remain tentative forever. It may indeed be corroborated, but every corroboration is relative to other statements which, again, are tentative. Only in our subjective experiences of conviction, in our subjective faith, can we be "absolutely certain." (Popper, 1959, p. 280)
       The layman, taught to revere scientists for their absolute respect for the observed facts, and for the judiciously detached and purely provisional manner in which they hold scientific theories (always ready to abandon a theory at the sight of any contradictory evidence) might well have thought that, at Miller's announcement of this overwhelming evidence of a "positive effect" [indicating that the speed of light is not independent from the motion of the observer, as Einstein's theory of relativity demands] in his presidential address to the American Physical Society on December 29th, 1925, his audience would have instantly abandoned the theory of relativity. Or, at the very least, that scientists-wont to look down from the pinnacle of their intellectual humility upon the rest of dogmatic mankind-might suspend judgment in this matter until Miller's results could be accounted for without impairing the theory of relativity. But no: by that time they had so well closed their minds to any suggestion which threatened the new rationality achieved by Einstein's world-picture, that it was almost impossible for them to think again in different terms. Little attention was paid to the experiments, the evidence being set aside in the hope that it would one day turn out to be wrong. (Polanyi, 1958, pp. 12-13)
       The practice of normal science depends on the ability, acquired from examplars, to group objects and situations into similarity sets which are primitive in the sense that the grouping is done without an answer to the question, "Similar with respect to what?" (Kuhn, 1970, p. 200)
       Science in general... does not consist in collecting what we already know and arranging it in this or that kind of pattern. It consists in fastening upon something we do not know, and trying to discover it. (Collingwood, 1972, p. 9)
       Scientific fields emerge as the concerns of scientists congeal around various phenomena. Sciences are not defined, they are recognized. (Newell, 1973a, p. 1)
       This is often the way it is in physics-our mistake is not that we take our theories too seriously, but that we do not take them seriously enough. I do not think it is possible really to understand the successes of science without understanding how hard it is-how easy it is to be led astray, how difficult it is to know at any time what is the next thing to be done. (Weinberg, 1977, p. 49)
       Science is wonderful at destroying metaphysical answers, but incapable of providing substitute ones. Science takes away foundations without providing a replacement. Whether we want to be there or not, science has put us in a position of having to live without foundations. It was shocking when Nietzsche said this, but today it is commonplace; our historical position-and no end to it is in sight-is that of having to philosophize without "foundations." (Putnam, 1987, p. 29)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Science

  • 2 Knowledge

       It is indeed an opinion strangely prevailing amongst men, that houses, mountains, rivers, and, in a word, all sensible objects, have an existence, natural or real, distinct from their being perceived by the understanding. But, with how great an assurance and acquiescence soever this principle may be entertained in the world, yet whoever shall find in his heart to call it into question may, if I mistake not, perceive it to involve a manifest contradiction. For, what are the forementioned objects but things we perceive by sense? and what do we perceive besides our own ideas or sensations? and is it not plainly repugnant that any one of these, or any combination of them, should exist unperceived? (Berkeley, 1996, Pt. I, No. 4, p. 25)
       It seems to me that the only objects of the abstract sciences or of demonstration are quantity and number, and that all attempts to extend this more perfect species of knowledge beyond these bounds are mere sophistry and illusion. As the component parts of quantity and number are entirely similar, their relations become intricate and involved; and nothing can be more curious, as well as useful, than to trace, by a variety of mediums, their equality or inequality, through their different appearances.
       But as all other ideas are clearly distinct and different from each other, we can never advance farther, by our utmost scrutiny, than to observe this diversity, and, by an obvious reflection, pronounce one thing not to be another. Or if there be any difficulty in these decisions, it proceeds entirely from the undeterminate meaning of words, which is corrected by juster definitions. That the square of the hypotenuse is equal to the squares of the other two sides cannot be known, let the terms be ever so exactly defined, without a train of reasoning and enquiry. But to convince us of this proposition, that where there is no property, there can be no injustice, it is only necessary to define the terms, and explain injustice to be a violation of property. This proposition is, indeed, nothing but a more imperfect definition. It is the same case with all those pretended syllogistical reasonings, which may be found in every other branch of learning, except the sciences of quantity and number; and these may safely, I think, be pronounced the only proper objects of knowledge and demonstration. (Hume, 1975, Sec. 12, Pt. 3, pp. 163-165)
       Our knowledge springs from two fundamental sources of the mind; the first is the capacity of receiving representations (the ability to receive impressions), the second is the power to know an object through these representations (spontaneity in the production of concepts).
       Through the first, an object is given to us; through the second, the object is thought in relation to that representation.... Intuition and concepts constitute, therefore, the elements of all our knowledge, so that neither concepts without intuition in some way corresponding to them, nor intuition without concepts, can yield knowledge. Both may be either pure or empirical.... Pure intuitions or pure concepts are possible only a priori; empirical intuitions and empirical concepts only a posteriori. If the receptivity of our mind, its power of receiving representations in so far as it is in any way affected, is to be called "sensibility," then the mind's power of producing representations from itself, the spontaneity of knowledge, should be called "understanding." Our nature is so constituted that our intuitions can never be other than sensible; that is, it contains only the mode in which we are affected by objects. The faculty, on the other hand, which enables us to think the object of sensible intuition is the understanding.... Without sensibility, no object would be given to us; without understanding, no object would be thought. Thoughts without content are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind. It is therefore just as necessary to make our concepts sensible, that is, to add the object to them in intuition, as to make our intuitions intelligible, that is to bring them under concepts. These two powers or capacities cannot exchange their functions. The understanding can intuit nothing, the senses can think nothing. Only through their union can knowledge arise. (Kant, 1933, Sec. 1, Pt. 2, B74-75 [p. 92])
       Metaphysics, as a natural disposition of Reason is real, but it is also, in itself, dialectical and deceptive.... Hence to attempt to draw our principles from it, and in their employment to follow this natural but none the less fallacious illusion can never produce science, but only an empty dialectical art, in which one school may indeed outdo the other, but none can ever attain a justifiable and lasting success. In order that, as a science, it may lay claim not merely to deceptive persuasion, but to insight and conviction, a Critique of Reason must exhibit in a complete system the whole stock of conceptions a priori, arranged according to their different sources-the Sensibility, the understanding, and the Reason; it must present a complete table of these conceptions, together with their analysis and all that can be deduced from them, but more especially the possibility of synthetic knowledge a priori by means of their deduction, the principles of its use, and finally, its boundaries....
       This much is certain: he who has once tried criticism will be sickened for ever of all the dogmatic trash he was compelled to content himself with before, because his Reason, requiring something, could find nothing better for its occupation. Criticism stands to the ordinary school metaphysics exactly in the same relation as chemistry to alchemy, or as astron omy to fortune-telling astrology. I guarantee that no one who has comprehended and thought out the conclusions of criticism, even in these Prolegomena, will ever return to the old sophistical pseudo-science. He will rather look forward with a kind of pleasure to a metaphysics, certainly now within his power, which requires no more preparatory discoveries, and which alone can procure for reason permanent satisfaction. (Kant, 1891, pp. 115-116)
       Knowledge is only real and can only be set forth fully in the form of science, in the form of system. Further, a so-called fundamental proposition or first principle of philosophy, even if it is true, it is yet none the less false, just because and in so far as it is merely a fundamental proposition, merely a first principle. It is for that reason easily refuted. The refutation consists in bringing out its defective character; and it is defective because it is merely the universal, merely a principle, the beginning. If the refutation is complete and thorough, it is derived and developed from the nature of the principle itself, and not accomplished by bringing in from elsewhere other counter-assurances and chance fancies. It would be strictly the development of the principle, and thus the completion of its deficiency, were it not that it misunderstands its own purport by taking account solely of the negative aspect of what it seeks to do, and is not conscious of the positive character of its process and result. The really positive working out of the beginning is at the same time just as much the very reverse: it is a negative attitude towards the principle we start from. Negative, that is to say, in its one-sided form, which consists in being primarily immediate, a mere purpose. It may therefore be regarded as a refutation of what constitutes the basis of the system; but more correctly it should be looked at as a demonstration that the basis or principle of the system is in point of fact merely its beginning. (Hegel, 1910, pp. 21-22)
       Knowledge, action, and evaluation are essentially connected. The primary and pervasive significance of knowledge lies in its guidance of action: knowing is for the sake of doing. And action, obviously, is rooted in evaluation. For a being which did not assign comparative values, deliberate action would be pointless; and for one which did not know, it would be impossible. Conversely, only an active being could have knowledge, and only such a being could assign values to anything beyond his own feelings. A creature which did not enter into the process of reality to alter in some part the future content of it, could apprehend a world only in the sense of intuitive or esthetic contemplation; and such contemplation would not possess the significance of knowledge but only that of enjoying and suffering. (Lewis, 1946, p. 1)
       "Evolutionary epistemology" is a branch of scholarship that applies the evolutionary perspective to an understanding of how knowledge develops. Knowledge always involves getting information. The most primitive way of acquiring it is through the sense of touch: amoebas and other simple organisms know what happens around them only if they can feel it with their "skins." The knowledge such an organism can have is strictly about what is in its immediate vicinity. After a huge jump in evolution, organisms learned to find out what was going on at a distance from them, without having to actually feel the environment. This jump involved the development of sense organs for processing information that was farther away. For a long time, the most important sources of knowledge were the nose, the eyes, and the ears. The next big advance occurred when organisms developed memory. Now information no longer needed to be present at all, and the animal could recall events and outcomes that happened in the past. Each one of these steps in the evolution of knowledge added important survival advantages to the species that was equipped to use it.
       Then, with the appearance in evolution of humans, an entirely new way of acquiring information developed. Up to this point, the processing of information was entirely intrasomatic.... But when speech appeared (and even more powerfully with the invention of writing), information processing became extrasomatic. After that point knowledge did not have to be stored in the genes, or in the memory traces of the brain; it could be passed on from one person to another through words, or it could be written down and stored on a permanent substance like stone, paper, or silicon chips-in any case, outside the fragile and impermanent nervous system. (Csikszentmihalyi, 1993, pp. 56-57)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Knowledge

  • 3 अर्थः _arthḥ

    अर्थः [In some of its senses from अर्थ्; in others from ऋ-थन् Uṇ.2.4; अर्थते ह्यसौ अर्थिभिः Nir.]
    1 Object, pur- pose, end and aim; wish, desire; ज्ञातार्थो ज्ञातसंबन्धः श्रोतुं श्रोता प्रवर्तते, सिद्ध˚, ˚परिपन्थी Mu.5; ˚वशात् 5.8; स्मर्तव्यो$स्मि सत्यर्थे Dk.117 if it be necessary; Y.2.46; M.4.6; oft. used in this sense as the last member of compounds and translated by 'for', 'intended for', 'for the sake of', 'on account of', 'on behalf of', and used like an adj. to qualify nouns; अर्थेन तु नित्य- समासो विशेष्यनिघ्रता च Vārt.; सन्तानार्थाय विधये R.1.34; तां देवतापित्रतिथिक्रियार्थाम् (धेनुम्) 2.16; द्विजार्था यवागूः Sk.; यज्ञार्थात्कर्मणो$न्यत्र Bg.3.9. It mostly occurs in this sense as अर्थम्, अर्थे or अर्थाय and has an adverbial force; (a) किमर्थम् for what purpose, why; यदर्थम् for whom or which; वेलोपलक्षणार्थम् Ś.4; तद्दर्शनादभूच्छम्भोर्भूयान्दारार्थ- मादरः Ku.6.13; (b) परार्थे प्राज्ञ उत्सृजेत् H.1.41; गवार्थे ब्राह्मणार्थे च Pt.1.42; मदर्थे त्यक्तजीविताः Bg.1.9; (c) सुखार्थाय Pt.4.18; प्रत्याख्याता मया तत्र नलस्यार्थाय देवताः Nala.13.19; ऋतुपर्णस्य चार्थाय 23.9.
    -2 Cause, motive, reason, ground, means; अलुप्तश्च मुनेः क्रियार्थः R. 2.55 means or cause; अतो$र्थात् Ms.2.213.
    -3 Meaning, sense, signification, import; अर्थ is of 3 kinds:-- वाच्य or expressed, लक्ष्य or indicated (secondary), and व्यङ्ग्य or suggested; तददोषौ शब्दार्थौ K. P.1; अर्थो वाच्यश्च लक्ष्यश्च व्यङ्ग्यश्चेति त्रिधा मतः S. D.2; वागर्थाविव R.1.1; अवेक्ष्य धातोर्गमनार्थमर्थवित् 3.21.
    -4 A thing, object, substance; लक्ष्मणो$र्थं ततः श्रुत्वा Rām.7.46.18; अर्थो हि कन्या परकीय एव Ś.4.22; that which can be perceived by the senses, an object of sense; इन्द्रिय˚ H.1.146; Ku.7.71; R.2.51; न निर्बद्धा उपसर्गा अर्थान्निराहुः Nir.; इन्द्रियेभ्यः परा ह्यर्था अर्थेभ्यश्च परं मनः Kaṭh. (the objects of sense are five: रूप, रस, गन्ध, स्पर्श and शब्द); शब्दः स्पर्शो रसो गन्धो रूपं चेत्यर्थजातयः Bhāg.11.22.16.
    -5 (a) An affair, business, matter, work; प्राक् प्रतिपन्नो$यमर्थो$- ङ्गराजाय Ve.3; अर्थो$यमर्थान्तरभाव्य एव Ku.3.18; अर्थो$र्था- नुबन्धी Dk.67; सङ्गीतार्थः Me.66 business of singing i. e. musical concert (apparatus of singing); सन्देशार्थाः Me. 5 matters of message, i. e. messages; (b) Interest, object; स्वार्थसाधनतत्परः Ms.4.196; द्वयमेवार्थसाधनम् R.1. 19;2.21; दुरापे$र्थे 1.72; सर्वार्थचिन्तकः Ms.7.121; माल- विकायां न मे कश्चिदर्थः M.3 I have no interest in M. (c) Subject-matter, contents (as of letters &c.); त्वामव- गतार्थं करिष्यति Mu.1 will acquaint you with the matter; उत्तरो$यं लेखार्थः ibid.; तेन हि अस्य गृहीतार्था भवामि V.2 if so I should know its contents; ननु परिगृहीतार्थो$- स्मि कृतो भवता V.5; तया भवतो$विनयमन्तरेण परिगृहीतार्था कृता देवी M.4 made acquainted with; त्वया गृहीतार्थया अत्रभवती कथं न वारिता 3; अगृहीतार्थे आवाम् Ś.6; इति पौरान् गृहीतार्थान् कृत्वा ibid.
    -6 Wealth, riches, property, money (said to be of 3 kinds: शुक्ल honestly got; शबल got by more or less doubtful means, and कृष्ण dishonestly got;) त्यागाय संभृतार्थानाम् R.1.7; धिगर्थाः कष्टसंश्रयाः Pt.1.163; अर्थानामर्जने दुःखम् ibid.; सस्यार्थास्तस्य मित्राणि1.3; तेषामर्थे नियुञ्जीत शूरान् दक्षान् कुलोद्गतान् Ms.7.62.
    -7 Attainment of riches or worldly prosperity, regarded as one of the four ends of human existence, the other three being धर्म, काम and मोक्ष; with अर्थ and काम, धर्म forms the well-known triad; cf. Ku.5.38; अप्यर्थकामौ तस्यास्तां धर्म एव मनीषिणः R.1.25.
    -8 (a) Use, advantage, profit, good; तथा हि सर्वे तस्यासन् परार्थैकफला गुणाः R.1.29 for the good of others; अर्थान- र्थावुभौ बुद्ध्वा Ms.8.24 good and evil; क्षेत्रिणामर्थः 9.52; यावानर्थ उदपाने सर्वतः सांप्लुतोदके Bg.2.46; also व्यर्थ, निरर्थक q. v. (b) Use, want, need, concern, with instr.; को$र्थः पुत्रेण जातेन Pt.1 what is the use of a son being born; कश्च तेनार्थः Dk.59; को$र्थस्तिरश्चां गुणैः Pt.2.33 what do brutes care for merits; Bh.2.48; योग्येनार्थः कस्य न स्याज्ज- नेन Ś.18.66; नैव तस्य कृतेनार्थो नाकृतेनेह कश्चन Bg.3.18; यदि प्राणैरिहार्थो वो निवर्तध्वम् Rām. को नु मे जीवितेनार्थः Nala.12. 65.
    -9 Asking, begging; request, suit, petition.
    -1 Action, plaint (in law); अर्थ विरागाः पश्यन्ति Rām.2.1. 58; असाक्षिकेषु त्वर्थेषु Ms.8.19.
    -11 The actual state, fact of the matter; as in यथार्थ, अर्थतः, ˚तत्वविद्, यदर्थेन विनामुष्य पुंस आत्मविपर्ययः Bhāg.3.7.1.
    -12 Manner, kind, sort.
    -13 Prevention, warding off; मशकार्थो धूमः; prohibition, abolition (this meaning may also be derived from 1 above).
    -14 Price (perhaps an incorrect form for अर्घ).
    -15 Fruit, result (फलम्). तस्य नानुभवेदर्थं यस्य हेतोः स रोपितः Rām.6.128.7; Mb.12.175.5.
    -16 N. of a son of धर्म.
    -17 The second place from the लग्न (in astr.).
    -18 N. of Viṣṇu.
    -19 The category called अपूर्व (in पूर्वमीमांसा); अर्थ इति अपूर्वं ब्रूमः । ŚB. on MS.7.1.2.
    -2 Force (of a statement or an expres- sion); अर्थाच्च सामर्थ्याच्च क्रमो विधीयते । ŚB. on MS.5.1.2. [अर्थात् = by implication].
    -21 The need, purpose, sense; व्यवधानादर्थो बलीयान् । ŚB. on MS.6.4.23.
    -22 Capacity, power; अर्थाद्वा कल्पनैकदेशत्वात् । Ms.1.4.3 (where Śabara paraphrases अर्थात् by सामर्थ्यात् and states the rule: आख्यातानामर्थं ब्रुवतां शक्तिः सहकारिणी ।), cf. अर्थो$भिधेयरैवस्तुप्रयोजननिवृत्तिषु । मोक्षकारणयोश्च...... Nm.
    -Comp. -अतिदेशः Extension (of gender, number &e.) to the objects (as against words), i. e. to treat a single object as though it were many, a female as though it were male. (तन्त्रवार्त्तिक 1.2.58.3;6.3.34.7).
    -अधिकारः charge of money, office of treasurer ˚रे न नियोक्तव्यौ H.2.
    -अधिकारिन् m. a treasurer, one charged with finan- cial duties, finance minister.
    -अनुपपत्तिः f. The difficulty of accounting for or explaining satisfactorily a particular meaning; incongruity of a particular meaning (तन्त्रवार्त्तिक 4.3.42.2).
    -अनुयायिन् a. Following the rules (शास्त्र); तत्त्रिकालहितं वाक्यं धर्म्यमर्थानुयायि च Rām.5.51.21.
    -अन्वेषणम् inquiry after a matter.
    -अन्तरम् 1 another or different meaning.
    -2 another cause or motive; अर्थो$यम- र्थान्तरभाव्य एव Ku.3.18.
    -3 A new matter or circum- stance, new affair.
    -4 opposite or antithetical meaning, difference of meaning. ˚न्यासः a figure of speech in which a general proposition is adduced to support a particular instance, or a particular instance, to support a general proposition; it is an inference from parti- cular to general and vice versa; उक्तिरर्थान्तरन्यासः स्यात् सामान्यविशेषयोः । (1) हनूमानब्धिमतरद् दुष्करं किं महात्मनाम् ॥ (2) गुणवद्वस्तुसंसर्गाद्याति नीचो$पि गौरवम् । पुष्पमालानुषङ्गेण सूत्रं शिरसि धार्यते Kuval.; cf. also K. P.1 and S. D.79. (Ins- tances of this figure abound in Sanskrit literature, especi- ally in the works of Kālidāsa, Māgha and Bhāravi).
    -अन्वित a.
    1 rich, wealthy.
    -2 significant.
    -अभिधान a.
    1 That whose name is connected with the purpose to be served by it; अर्थाभिधानं प्रयोजनसम्बद्धमभिधानं यस्य, यथा पुरोडाश- कपालमिति पुरोडाशार्थं कपालं पुरोडाशकपालम् । ŚB. on MS.4.1. 26.
    -2 Expression or denotation of the desired meaning (वार्त्तिक 3.1.2.5.).
    -अर्थिन् a. one who longs for or strives to get wealth or gain any object. अर्थार्थी जीवलोको$यम् । आर्तो जिज्ञासुरर्थार्थी Bg.7.16.
    -अलंकरः a figure of speech determined by and dependent on the sense, and not on sound (opp. शब्दालंकार). अलंकारशेखर of केशवमिश्र mentions (verse 29) fourteen types of अर्थालंकारs as follows:- उपमारूपकोत्प्रेक्षाः समासोक्तिरपह्नुतिः । समाहितं स्वभावश्च विरोधः सारदीपकौ ॥ सहोक्तिरन्यदेशत्वं विशेषोक्तिर्विभावना । एवं स्युरर्थालकारा- श्चतुर्दश न चापरे ॥
    -आगमः 1 acquisition of wealth, income; ˚गमाय स्यात् Pt.1. cf. also अर्थागमो नित्यमरोगिता च H.
    -2 collection of property.
    -3 conveying of sense; S. D.737.
    -आपत्तिः f. [अर्थस्य अनुक्तार्थस्य आपत्तिः सिद्धिः]
    1 an inference from circumstances, presumption, im- plication, one of the five sources of knowledge or modes of proof, according to the Mīmāṁsakas. It is 'deduc- tion of a matter from that which could not else be'; it is 'assumption of a thing, not itself perceived but necessarily implied by another which is seen, heard, or proved'; it is an inference used to account for an apparent inconsistency; as in the familiar instance पीनो देवदत्तो दिवा न भुङ्क्ते the apparent inconsistency between 'fatness' and 'not eating by day' is accounted for by the inference of his 'eating by night'. पीनत्वविशि- ष्टस्य देवदत्तस्य रात्रिभोजित्वरूपार्थस्य शब्दानुक्तस्यापि आपत्तिः. It is defined by Śabara as दृष्टः श्रुतो वार्थो$न्यथा नोपपद्यते इत्यर्थ- कल्पना । यथा जीवति देवदत्ते गृहाभावदर्शनेन बहिर्भावस्यादृष्टस्य कल्पना ॥ Ms.1.1.5. It may be seen from the words दृष्टः and श्रुतः in the above definition, that Śabara has sug- gested two varieties of अर्थापत्ति viz. दृष्टार्थापत्ति and श्रुता- र्थापत्ति. The illustration given by him, however, is of दृष्टार्थापत्ति only. The former i. e. दृष्टार्थापत्ति consists in the presumption of some अदृष्ट अर्थ to account for some दृष्ट अर्थ (or अर्थs) which otherwise becomes inexplicable. The latter, on the other hand, consists in the presump- tion of some अर्थ through अश्रुत शब्द to account for some श्रुत अर्थ (i. e. some statement). This peculiarity of श्रुतार्थापत्ति is clearly stated in the following couplet; यत्र त्वपरिपूर्णस्य वाक्यस्यान्वयसिद्धये । शब्दो$ध्याह्रियते तत्र श्रुतार्थापत्ति- रिष्यते ॥ Mānameyodaya p.129 (ed. by K. Raja, Adyar, 1933). Strictly speaking it is no separate mode of proof; it is only a case of अनुमान and can be proved by a व्यतिरेकव्याप्ति; cf. Tarka. K.17 and S. D.46.
    -2 a figure of speech (according to some rhe- toricians) in which a relevant assertion suggests an inference not actually connected with the the subject in hand, or vice versa; it corresponds to what is popularly called कैमुतिकन्याय or दण्डापूपन्याय; e. g. हारो$यं हरिणाक्षीणां लुण्ठति स्तनमण्डले । मुक्तानामप्यवस्थेयं के वयं स्मरकिङ्कराः Amaru.1; अभितप्तमयो$पि मार्दवं भजते कैव कथा शरीरिषु R.8.43.; S. D. thus defines the figure:- दण्डापूपिकन्यायार्थागमो$र्थापत्तिरिष्यते.
    -उत्पत्तिः f. acquisition of wealth; so ˚उपार्जनम्.
    -उपक्षेपकः an introductory scene (in dramas); अर्थोपक्षेपकाः पञ्च S. D.38. They are विष्कम्भ, चूलिका, अङ्कास्य, अङ्कावतार, प्रवेशक.
    -उपमा a simile dependent on sense and not on sound; see under उपमा.
    -उपार्जनम् Acquiring wealth.
    -उष्मन् m. the glow or warmth of wealth; अर्थोष्मणा विरहितः पुरुषः स एव Bh.2.4.
    -ओघः, -राशिः treasure, hoard of money.
    -कर (
    -री f.),
    -कृत a.
    1 bringing in wealth, enriching; अर्थकरी च विद्या H. Pr.3.
    -2 useful, advan- tageous.
    -कर्मन् n.
    1 a principal action (opp. गुणकर्मन्).
    -2 (as opposed to प्रतिपत्तिकर्मन्), A fruitful act (as opposed to mere disposal or प्रतिपत्ति); अर्थकर्म वा कर्तृ- संयोगात् स्रग्वत् । MS.4.2.17.
    -काम a. desirous of wealth. (-˚मौ dual), wealth and (sensual) desire or pleasure; अप्यर्थकामौ तस्यास्तां धर्म एव मनीषिणः R.1.25. ह्रत्वार्थकामास्तु गुरूनिहैव Bg.2.5.
    -कार्ष्यम् Poverty. निर्बन्धसंजातरुषार्थकार्घ्यमचिन्तयित्वा गुरुणाहमुक्तः R.5.21.
    -काशिन् a. Only apparently of utility (not really).
    -किल्बिषिन् a. dishonest in money-matters.
    -कृच्छ्रम् 1 a difficult matter.
    -2 pecuniary difficulty; व्यसनं वार्थकृच्छ्रे वा Rām.4.7.9; Mb.3.2.19; cf. also Kau. A.1.15 न मुह्येदर्थकृच्छ्रेषु Nīti.
    -कृत्यम् doing or execution of a business; अभ्युपेतार्थकृत्याः Me.4.
    -कोविद a. Expert in a matter, experienced. उवाच रामो धर्मात्मा पुनरप्यर्थकोविदः Rām.6.4.8.
    -क्रमः due order or sequ- ence of purpose.
    -क्रिया (a) An implied act, an act which is to be performed as a matter of course (as opposed to शब्दोक्तक्रिया); असति शब्दोक्ते अर्थक्रिया भवति ŚB. on MS.12.1.12. (b) A purposeful action. (see अर्थकर्मन्).
    -गत a.
    1 based on the sense (as a दोष).
    -2 devoid of sense.
    -गतिः understanding the sense.
    -गुणाः cf. भाविकत्वं सुशब्दत्वं पर्यायोक्तिः सुधर्मिता । चत्वारो$र्थगुणाः प्रोक्ताः परे त्वत्रैव संगताः ॥ अलंकारशेखर 21.
    -गृहम् A treasury. Hariv.
    -गौरवम् depth of meaning; भारवेरर्थगौरवम् Udb., Ki.2.27.
    -घ्न a. (
    घ्नी f.) extrava- gant, wasteful, prodigal; सुरापी व्याधिता धूर्ता वन्ध्यार्थघ्न्य- प्रियंवदा Y.1.73; व्याधिता वाधिवेत्तव्या हिंस्रार्थघ्नी च सर्वदा Ms.9.8.
    -चित्रम् 'variety in sense', a pun, Kāvya- prakāśa.
    -चिन्तक a.
    1 thinking of profit.
    -2 having charge of affairs; सर्वार्थचिन्तकः Ms.7.121.
    -चिन्ता, -चिन्तनम् charge or administration of (royal) affairs; मन्त्री स्यादर्थचिन्तायाम् S. D.
    -जात a.
    1 full of meaning.
    -2 wealthy (जातधन).
    (-तम्) 1 a collection of things.
    -2 large amount of wealth, considerable property; Dk.63, Ś.6; ददाति च नित्यमर्थजातम् Mk.2.7.
    -3 all matters; कवय इव महीपाश्चिन्तयन्त्यर्थजातम् Śi.11.6.
    -4 its own meaning; वहन्द्वयीं यद्यफले$र्थजाते Ki.3.48.
    -ज्ञ a. knowing the sense or purpose; अर्थज्ञ इत्सकलं भद्रमश्नुते Nir.
    -तत्त्वम् 1 the real truth, the fact of the matter; यो$र्थतत्त्वमविज्ञाय क्रोधस्यैव वशं गतः H.4.94.
    -2 the real nature or cause of anything.
    -द a.
    1 yielding wealth; Dk.41.
    -2 advantageous, productive of good, useful.
    -3 liberal, munificent Ms.2.19.
    -4 favour- able, compliant. (
    -दः) N. of Kubera.
    -दर्शकः 'one who sees law-suits'; a judge.
    -दर्शनम् perception of objects; कुरुते दीप इवार्थदर्शनम् Ki.2.33; Dk.155.
    -दूषणम् 1 extravagance, waste; H.3.18; Ms.7.48.
    -2 unjust seizure of property or withholding what is due.
    -3 finding fault with the meaning.
    -4 spoiling of another's property.
    -दृश् f. Consideration of truth; क्षेमं त्रिलोकगुरुरर्थदृशं च यच्छन् Bhāg.1.86.21.
    -दृष्टिः Seeing profit; Bhāg.
    -दोषः a literary fault or blemish with regard to the sense, one of the four doṣas or blemishes of literary composition, the other three being परदोष, पदांशदोष, वाक्यदोष; for definitions &c. see K. P.7. अलंकारशेखर of केशवमिश्र who mentions eight types of doṣas as follows: अष्टार्थदोषाः विरस, -ग्राम्य, -व्याहत, -खिन्नताः । -हीना, -धिका, सदृक्साम्यं देशादीनां विरोधि च ॥ 17
    -द्वयविधानम् Injunction of two ideas or senses; विधाने चार्थद्वयविधानं दोषः ŚB. on MS.1.8.7.
    -नित्य a. = अर्थ- प्रधान Nir.
    -निबन्धन a. dependent on wealth.
    -निश्चयः determination, decision.
    -प्रतिः 1 'the lord of riches', a a king; किंचिद् विहस्यार्थपतिं बभाषे R.2.46;1.59;9.3;18.1; Pt.1.74.
    -2 an epithet of Kubera.
    -पदम् N. of the Vārt. on Pāṇini; ससूत्रवृत्त्यर्थपदं महार्थं ससंग्रहं सिद्ध्यति वै कपीन्द्रः Rām.7.36.45.
    -पर, -लुब्ध a.
    1 intent on gaining wealth, greedy of wealth, covetous.
    -2 niggardly, parsimonious; हिंस्रा दयालुरपि चार्थपरा वदान्या Bh.2.47; Pt.1.425.
    -प्रकृतिः f. the leading source or occasion of the grand object in a drama; (the number of these 'sources' is five:-- बीजं बिन्दुः पताका च प्रकरी कार्यमेव च । अर्थप्रकृतयः पञ्च ज्ञात्वा योज्या यथाविधि S. D.317.)
    -प्रयोगः 1 usury.
    -2 administration of the affairs (of a state)
    -प्राप्त a. derived or understood from the sense included as a matter of course, implied; परिसमाप्तिः शब्दार्थः । परिसमाप्त्यामर्थप्राप्तत्वादारम्भस्य । ŚB. on MS.6.2.13.
    -˚त्वम् Inplication.
    -बन्धः 1 arrange- ment of words, composition, text; stanza, verse; संचिन्त्य गीतक्षममर्थबन्धम् Ś.7.5; ललितार्थबन्धम् V.2.14 put or expressed in elegant words.
    -2. connection (of the soul) with the objects of sense.
    -बुद्धि a. selfish.
    -बोधः indication of the (real) import.
    -भाज् a. entitled to a share in the division of property.
    -भावनम् Delibera- tion over a subject (Pātañjala Yogadarśana 1.28).
    -भृत् a. receiving high wages (as a servant).
    -भेदः distinc- tion or difference of meaning; अर्थभेदेन शब्दभेदः.
    -मात्रम्, -त्रा 1 property, wealth; Pt.2.
    -2 the whole sense or object.
    -युक्त a. significant, full of यस्यार्थयुक्तं meaning; गिरिराजशब्दं कुर्वन्ति Ku.1.13.
    -लक्षण a. As determined by the purpose or need (as opposed to शब्दलक्षण); लोके कर्मार्थलक्षणम् Ms.11.1.26.
    -लाभः acquisition of wealth.
    -लोभः avarice.
    -वशः power in the form of discrimination and knowledge. अर्थवशात् सप्तरूपविनिवृत्ताम् Sāvk.65.
    -वादः 1 declaration of any purpose.
    -2 affirmation, declaratory assertion, an explanatory remark, exegesis; speech or assertion having a certain object; a sentence. (It usually recommends a विधि or precept by stating the good arising from its proper observance, and the evils arising from its omission, and also by adducing historical instances in its support; स्तुतिर्निन्दा परकृतिः पुराकल्प इत्यर्थवादः Gaut. Sūt.; said by Laugākṣi to be of 3 kinds:- गुणवादो विरोधे स्यादनु वादो$वधारिते । भूतार्थवादस्तद्धानादर्थ- वादस्त्रिधा मतः; the last kind includes many varieties.)
    -3 one of the six means of finding out the tātparya (real aim and object) of any work.
    -4 praise, eulogy; अर्थवाद एषः । दोषं तु मे कंचित्कथय U.1.
    -विकरणम् = अर्थ- विक्रिया change of meaning.
    -विकल्पः 1 deviation from truth, perversion of fact.
    -2 prevarication; also ˚वैकल्प्यम्
    -विज्ञानम् comprehending the sense, one of the six exercises of the understanding (धीगुण).
    -विद् a. sensible, wise, sagacious. भुङ्क्ते तदपि तच्चान्यो मधुहेवार्थविन्मधु Bhāg.11.18.15. विवक्षतामर्थविदस्तत्क्षणप्रतिसंहृताम् Śi.
    -विद्या knowledge of practical life; Mb.7.
    -विपत्तिः Failing of an aim; समीक्ष्यतां चार्थविपत्तिमार्गताम् Rām.2.19.4.
    -विभावक a. money-giver; विप्रेभ्यो$र्थविभावकः Mb.3.33. 84.
    -विप्रकर्षः difficulty in the comprehension of the sense.
    -विशेषणम् a reprehensive repetition of something uttered by another; S. D.49.
    -वृद्धिः f. accumulation of wealth.
    -व्ययः expenditure; ˚ज्ञ a. conversant with money-matters.
    -शब्दौ Word and sense.
    -शालिन् a. Wealthy.
    -शास्त्रम् 1 the science of wealth (political economy).
    -2 science of polity, political science, politics; अर्थशास्त्रविशारदं सुधन्वानमुपाध्यायम् Rām.2.1.14. Dk.12; इह खलु अर्थशास्त्रकारास्त्रिविधां सिद्धिमुपवर्णयन्ति Mu.3; ˚व्यवहारिन् one dealing with politics, a politician; Mu.5.
    -3 science giving precepts on general conduct, the science of practical life; Pt.1.
    -शौचम् purity or honesty in money-matters; सर्वेषां चैव शौचानामर्थशौचं परं स्मृतं Ms. 5.16.
    -श्री Great wealth.
    -संस्थानम् 1 accumulation of wealth.
    -2 treasury.
    -संग्रहः, -संचयः accumulation or acquisition of wealth, treasure, property. कोशेनाश्रयणी- यत्वमिति तस्यार्थसंग्रहः R.17.6. कुदेशमासाद्य कुतो$र्थसंचयः H.
    -संग्रहः a book on Mīmāṁsā by Laugākṣi Bhāskara.
    -सतत्त्वम् truth; किं पुनरत्रार्थसतत्त्वम् । देवा ज्ञातुमर्हन्ति MBh. or P.VIII.3.72.
    -समाजः aggregate of causes.
    -समाहारः 1 treasure.
    -2 acquisition of wealth.
    -संपद् f. accomplishment of a desired object; उपेत्य संघर्ष- मिवार्थसंपदः Ki.1.15.
    -संपादनम् Carrying out of an affair; Ms.7.168.
    -संबन्धः connection of the sense with the word or sentence.
    -संबन्धिन् a. Concerned or interested in an affair; Ms.8.64.
    -साधक a.
    1 accomplishing any object.
    -2 bringing any matter to a conclusion.
    -सारः considerable wealth; Pt.2.42.
    -सिद्ध a. understood from the very context (though not expressed in words), inferable from the connection of words.
    -सिद्धिः f. fulfilment of a desired object, success. द्वारमिवार्थसिद्धेः R.2.21.
    -हानिः Loss of wealth
    -हारिन् a. stealing money Ks.
    -हर a. inheriting wealth.
    -हीन a.
    1 deprived of wealth, poor.
    -2 unmeaning, nonsensical.
    -3 failing.

    Sanskrit-English dictionary > अर्थः _arthḥ

  • 4 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 5 Mind

       It becomes, therefore, no inconsiderable part of science... to know the different operations of the mind, to separate them from each other, to class them under their proper heads, and to correct all that seeming disorder in which they lie involved when made the object of reflection and inquiry.... It cannot be doubted that the mind is endowed with several powers and faculties, that these powers are distinct from one another, and that what is really distinct to the immediate perception may be distinguished by reflection and, consequently, that there is a truth and falsehood which lie not beyond the compass of human understanding. (Hume, 1955, p. 22)
       Let us then suppose the mind to be, as we say, white Paper, void of all Characters, without any Ideas: How comes it to be furnished? Whence comes it by that vast store, which the busy and boundless Fancy of Man has painted on it, with an almost endless variety? Whence has it all the materials of Reason and Knowledge? To this I answer, in one word, from Experience. (Locke, quoted in Herrnstein & Boring, 1965, p. 584)
       The kind of logic in mythical thought is as rigorous as that of modern science, and... the difference lies, not in the quality of the intellectual process, but in the nature of things to which it is applied.... Man has always been thinking equally well; the improvement lies, not in an alleged progress of man's mind, but in the discovery of new areas to which it may apply its unchanged and unchanging powers. (Leґvi-Strauss, 1963, p. 230)
       MIND. A mysterious form of matter secreted by the brain. Its chief activity consists in the endeavor to ascertain its own nature, the futility of the attempt being due to the fact that it has nothing but itself to know itself with. (Bierce, quoted in Minsky, 1986, p. 55)
       [Philosophy] understands the foundations of knowledge and it finds these foundations in a study of man-as-knower, of the "mental processes" or the "activity of representation" which make knowledge possible. To know is to represent accurately what is outside the mind, so to understand the possibility and nature of knowledge is to understand the way in which the mind is able to construct such representation.... We owe the notion of a "theory of knowledge" based on an understanding of "mental processes" to the seventeenth century, and especially to Locke. We owe the notion of "the mind" as a separate entity in which "processes" occur to the same period, and especially to Descartes. We owe the notion of philosophy as a tribunal of pure reason, upholding or denying the claims of the rest of culture, to the eighteenth century and especially to Kant, but this Kantian notion presupposed general assent to Lockean notions of mental processes and Cartesian notions of mental substance. (Rorty, 1979, pp. 3-4)
       Under pressure from the computer, the question of mind in relation to machine is becoming a central cultural preoccupation. It is becoming for us what sex was to Victorians-threat, obsession, taboo, and fascination. (Turkle, 1984, p. 313)
       7) Understanding the Mind Remains as Resistant to Neurological as to Cognitive Analyses
       Recent years have been exciting for researchers in the brain and cognitive sciences. Both fields have flourished, each spurred on by methodological and conceptual developments, and although understanding the mechanisms of mind is an objective shared by many workers in these areas, their theories and approaches to the problem are vastly different....
       Early experimental psychologists, such as Wundt and James, were as interested in and knowledgeable about the anatomy and physiology of the nervous system as about the young science of the mind. However, the experimental study of mental processes was short-lived, being eclipsed by the rise of behaviorism early in this century. It was not until the late 1950s that the signs of a new mentalism first appeared in scattered writings of linguists, philosophers, computer enthusiasts, and psychologists.
       In this new incarnation, the science of mind had a specific mission: to challenge and replace behaviorism. In the meantime, brain science had in many ways become allied with a behaviorist approach.... While behaviorism sought to reduce the mind to statements about bodily action, brain science seeks to explain the mind in terms of physiochemical events occurring in the nervous system. These approaches contrast with contemporary cognitive science, which tries to understand the mind as it is, without any reduction, a view sometimes described as functionalism.
       The cognitive revolution is now in place. Cognition is the subject of contemporary psychology. This was achieved with little or no talk of neurons, action potentials, and neurotransmitters. Similarly, neuroscience has risen to an esteemed position among the biological sciences without much talk of cognitive processes. Do the fields need each other?... [Y]es because the problem of understanding the mind, unlike the wouldbe problem solvers, respects no disciplinary boundaries. It remains as resistant to neurological as to cognitive analyses. (LeDoux & Hirst, 1986, pp. 1-2)
       Since the Second World War scientists from different disciplines have turned to the study of the human mind. Computer scientists have tried to emulate its capacity for visual perception. Linguists have struggled with the puzzle of how children acquire language. Ethologists have sought the innate roots of social behaviour. Neurophysiologists have begun to relate the function of nerve cells to complex perceptual and motor processes. Neurologists and neuropsychologists have used the pattern of competence and incompetence of their brain-damaged patients to elucidate the normal workings of the brain. Anthropologists have examined the conceptual structure of cultural practices to advance hypotheses about the basic principles of the mind. These days one meets engineers who work on speech perception, biologists who investigate the mental representation of spatial relations, and physicists who want to understand consciousness. And, of course, psychologists continue to study perception, memory, thought and action.
    ... [W]orkers in many disciplines have converged on a number of central problems and explanatory ideas. They have realized that no single approach is likely to unravel the workings of the mind: it will not give up its secrets to psychology alone; nor is any other isolated discipline-artificial intelligence, linguistics, anthropology, neurophysiology, philosophy-going to have any greater success. (Johnson-Laird, 1988, p. 7)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Mind

  • 6 una gran variedad de

    = a wide range of, a multiplicity of, a rich tapestry of, a plurality of, a broad variety of, a broad range of, a whole gamut of
    Ex. A wide range of pamphlet and leaflet material was collected and arranged in cabinet files under topic heads such as health, employment, child welfare.
    Ex. The Aldine greek was based on a much admired humanistic cursive hand which relied for its good looks on a multiplicity of alternative letters, ligatures, and contractions.
    Ex. This article postulates a series of disciplinary incorporations and transformation that has created a rich tapestry of speculation and systems development that has led to what we now call library and information science.
    Ex. Each consists of a plurality of signs that have a known meaning in written or oral form to a number of people.
    Ex. Intrantets are becoming very popular among a broad variety of companies.
    Ex. Data on a broad range of topics were collected.
    Ex. There has been a whole gamut of responses to community information.
    * * *
    = a wide range of, a multiplicity of, a rich tapestry of, a plurality of, a broad variety of, a broad range of, a whole gamut of

    Ex: A wide range of pamphlet and leaflet material was collected and arranged in cabinet files under topic heads such as health, employment, child welfare.

    Ex: The Aldine greek was based on a much admired humanistic cursive hand which relied for its good looks on a multiplicity of alternative letters, ligatures, and contractions.
    Ex: This article postulates a series of disciplinary incorporations and transformation that has created a rich tapestry of speculation and systems development that has led to what we now call library and information science.
    Ex: Each consists of a plurality of signs that have a known meaning in written or oral form to a number of people.
    Ex: Intrantets are becoming very popular among a broad variety of companies.
    Ex: Data on a broad range of topics were collected.
    Ex: There has been a whole gamut of responses to community information.

    Spanish-English dictionary > una gran variedad de

  • 7 impresión

    f.
    1 impression, idea, feeling, vague idea.
    2 impression, printing, print, mark.
    3 computer printout, printout.
    4 edition, number printed.
    * * *
    1 (en imprenta) printing
    2 (huella) impression, imprint
    3 figurado (efecto) impression; (negativo) shock
    4 (opinión) impression
    \
    cambiar impresiones to compare notes
    * * *
    noun f.
    1) feeling, impression
    * * *
    SF
    1) (=sensación) impression

    ¿qué impresión te produjo? — what was your impression of it?

    • cambiar impresiones — to exchange views

    • causar (una) buena impresión a algn, hacer buena impresión a algn — [persona] to make a good impression on sb; [actividad, ciudad] to impress sb

    • dar la impresión de, da la impresión de ser un autor maduro — he appears to be a mature author

    me da la impresión de que... — I get the impression that...

    • de impresión — Esp * fabulous *

    ¡estabas de impresión con ese vestido! — you looked fabulous in that dress! *

    • intercambiar impresiones — to exchange views

    • primera impresión — first impression

    • tener la impresión de que... — to have the impression that...

    2) (=susto) shock
    3) (=huella) imprint

    impresión dactilar, impresión digital — fingerprint

    4) (Tip) (=acción) printing; (=resultado) print; (=tirada) print run

    una impresión de 5.000 ejemplares — a print run of 5,000 copies

    impresión en color(es) — colour printing, color printing (EEUU)

    5) (Inform) (=acción) printing; (=resultado) printout
    6) (Fot) print
    7) (Bio, Psic) imprinting
    * * *
    1)
    a) (idea, sensación) impression

    nos causó or nos hizo muy buena impresión — he made a very good impression on us

    me da/tengo la impresión de que me está mintiendo — I have a feeling he's lying to me

    2)
    a) (Impr) ( acción) printing; ( tirada) print run, impression (frml)
    b) (Inf) ( acción) printing; ( producto) printout
    c) ( huella) imprint
    •
    * * *
    1)
    a) (idea, sensación) impression

    nos causó or nos hizo muy buena impresión — he made a very good impression on us

    me da/tengo la impresión de que me está mintiendo — I have a feeling he's lying to me

    2)
    a) (Impr) ( acción) printing; ( tirada) print run, impression (frml)
    b) (Inf) ( acción) printing; ( producto) printout
    c) ( huella) imprint
    •
    * * *
    impresión1
    1 = excitement, impression, perception, shock, illusion.

    Ex: If done effectively, displays can add interest and even excitement to the process of information discovery.

    Ex: This planning phase involves moving from a vague impression that a thesaurus might be useful to a fairly precise profile for the thesaurus.
    Ex: Nevertheless, citation indexes do seek to link documents according to their content (or at least the perception of their content held by the author of the source work).
    Ex: The shock of Sputnik precipitated a near-frantic concern about our technological complacency, sending the country into a crash program of science education and space exploration in order to regain a lost prestige.
    Ex: A motion picture is a length of film, with or without recorded sound, bearing a sequence of images that create the illusion of movement when projected in rapid succession.
    * causar buena impresión = impress, come across.
    * causar impresión = make + impression.
    * causar una buena primera impresión = make + a good first impression.
    * causar una impresión = leave + an impression, make + an impression.
    * causar una primera impresión = make + a first impression.
    * crear una buena impresión en = make + a good impression on.
    * dar la impresión = convey + impression, strike + Pronombre Personal, give + the impression that, confer + impression, come off as.
    * dar la impresión de = contrive, conjure up + a picture of, come across as.
    * dar la impresión de seriedad en el trabajo = appear + businesslike.
    * dar mala impresión = look + bad.
    * dar una falsa impresión = keep up + facade, put on + an act.
    * dar una impresión = make + an impression, leave + an impression, present + an image.
    * dar una impresión de = give + an impression of.
    * dar una impresión equivocada = send + the wrong signals.
    * dejar una impresión = leave with + the impression, leave + an impression, leave + an imprint, make + an impression.
    * impresión duradera = lasting impression.
    * impresión imborrable = indelible impression.
    * no dar una impresión clara = send + mixed signals.
    * obtener una impresión = gain + picture.
    * primera impresión = first impression.
    * sacar una impresión = gain + picture.
    * tener la impresión = have + the impression, get + the impression.
    * tener la impresión de que = get + the feeling that.

    impresión2
    2 = impression, printing, blowback.
    Nota: Específicamente, de documento o imagen que ha sido convertido a formato electrónico.

    Ex: An impression consists of all those copies of an edition printed at one time.

    Ex: In the process of the search, prior to display or printing, the computer ranks references according to their weighting.
    Ex: Blowback refers to the practice of printing electronic documents to paper (blowing them back to tangible form).
    * cabeza de impresión = print head.
    * cadena de impresión = print chain.
    * cola de impresión = print queue.
    * correr la impresión = slur + impression.
    * en el momento de la impresión = at the time of going to print.
    * equipo de impresión = press crew.
    * etapa anterior a la impresión = prepress [pre-press].
    * fase anterior a la impresión = prepress phase.
    * fecha de impresión = imprint date.
    * forma de impresión = composing frame, forme, plate.
    * gestor de colas de impresión = print spooler.
    * impresión a chorros de tinta = ink-jet printing.
    * impresión a color = colour printing.
    * impresión de libros = book-printing.
    * impresión de noticias = news-printing.
    * impresión de tamaño reducido = microprint, microprinting.
    * impresión en línea = online print.
    * impresión en oro = gold tooling.
    * impresión en papel = print on paper.
    * impresión en plancha de madera = woodblock printing.
    * impresión en seco = blind tooling, blind impression.
    * impresión fuera de línea = offline print.
    * impresión manual = hand-printing.
    * impresión mecánica = machine printing.
    * impresión offset litográfica = offset litho.
    * impresión por láser = laser printing.
    * impresión tipográfica = letterpress.
    * letra cuya impresión en papel no está completa = broken letter.
    * lugar de impresión = place of printing.
    * margarita de impresión = print wheel.
    * permiso de impresión = imprimatur.
    * petición de impresión = print request.
    * plancha de cobre para la impresión en huecograbado = intaglio copperplate.
    * plancha de impresión = plate, printing plate.
    * plancha de impresión de cobre = copperplate.
    * plancha de impresión de latón = pewter plate.
    * plancha de impresión en relieve de cobre = engraved copper plate.
    * plancha de impresión litográfica = lithographic plate.
    * proceso de impresión = printing process.
    * puntura de impresión = press point.
    * sala de impresión = press room [pressroom].
    * servicio de impresión = offline print facility.
    * superficie de impresión = printing surface.
    * taller de impresión = print shop, printing firm, printing house.
    * tarifa de impresión = print charge.
    * terminal de impresión = typewriter terminal.
    * trabajo de impresión = bookwork.
    * trabajo de impresión de material efímero = ephemeral jobbing.
    * trabajos de impresión de material efímero = jobbing work.

    * * *
    A
    1 (idea, sensación) impression
    da la impresión de ser demasiado ancho it looks (as if it might be) too wide
    nos causó or nos hizo muy buena impresión he made a very good impression on us, we were very impressed with him
    me da/tengo la impresión de que me está mintiendo I have a feeling o an idea he's lying to me, I get the impression o feeling he's lying to me
    no tuvimos oportunidad de cambiar impresiones we didn't get a chance to compare notes o talk about it
    2
    (sensación desagradable): tocar el pescado me da impresión handling fish turns my stomach
    ver sangre le daba impresión she couldn't stand the sight of blood
    el agua está tan fría que da impresión al entrar the water's so cold, it's a bit of a shock when you first get in
    B
    1 ( Impr) (acción) printing; (tirada) print run, impression ( frml)
    2 ( Inf) (acción) printing; (producto) printout
    3 (de un disco) pressing
    4 (huella) imprint
    la impresión de un pie en la arena a footprint in the sand
    Compuestos:
    fingerprint
    four-color* printing
    multicolor* printing
    * * *

     

    impresión sustantivo femenino
    a) (idea, sensación) impression;

    nos causó or nos hizo muy buena impresión he made a very good impression on us;

    me da/tengo la impresión de que me está mintiendo I have a feeling he's lying to me;
    cambiar impresiones to exchange ideas


    impresión sustantivo femenino
    1 Impr (acto) printing
    (edición) edition
    2 (marca, señal) impression, imprint
    3 fig (efecto, emoción) impression
    causar buena/mala impresión, to make a good/bad impression
    (impacto desagradable) shock
    4 fig (opinión) impression: quería saber mi impresión sobre su nuevo marido, she wanted to know what I thought of her new husband
    ♦ Locuciones: cambiar impresiones, to exchange impressions
    familiar de impresión, impressive: tienen una casa de impresión, they've got an impressive house
    ' impresión' also found in these entries:
    Spanish:
    caer
    - causar
    - choque
    - darse
    - deslumbrar
    - efecto
    - espanto
    - estela
    - hacer
    - imagen
    - lastimosa
    - lastimoso
    - morrocotuda
    - morrocotudo
    - negativa
    - negativo
    - parecer
    - sacudida
    - shock
    - sonar
    - chocante
    - dejo
    - impresionar
    - saber
    - sensación
    - susto
    - visceral
    English:
    effect
    - feel
    - feeling
    - idea
    - impact
    - impression
    - letter-quality
    - printing
    - sharp
    - come
    - illusion
    - impress
    - overall
    - sound
    - strike
    * * *
    1. [efecto] impression;
    causar (una) buena/mala impresión to make a good/bad impression;
    dar la impresión de to give the impression of;
    me dio la impresión de que estaban enfadados I got the impression they were annoyed;
    le dio mucha impresión ver el cadáver seeing the body was a real shock to him;
    me causó mucha impresión esa película that film had a great effect on me
    Dep impresión artística artistic impression
    2. [opinión]
    me gustaría conocer tu impresión del tema I'd like to know what your thoughts are on the issue;
    tener la impresión de que to have the impression that;
    cambiar impresiones to compare notes, to exchange views
    3. Esp Fam
    de impresión [como intensificador] incredible;
    me di un susto de impresión I got a hell of a fright;
    tiene una casa de impresión he has an incredible o amazing house
    4. [huella] imprint
    impresión dactilar fingerprint;
    impresión digital fingerprint
    5. Imprenta [acción] printing;
    [edición] edition;
    una impresión de lujo a de-luxe edition;
    impresión en color colour printing;
    impresión a una/dos caras one-/two-sided printing
    Informát impresión subordinada background printing
    * * *
    f
    1 impression;
    causar impresión make an impression;
    causar buena impresión make a good impression
    2
    :
    la sangre le da impresión he can’t stand the sight of blood
    3 acto printing;
    impresión en color color printing, Br colour printing
    4 ( tirada) print run
    * * *
    impresión nf, pl - siones
    1) : print, printing
    2) : impression, feeling
    * * *
    1. (efecto) impression
    2. (alteración) shock
    3. (sensación) feeling

    Spanish-English dictionary > impresión

  • 8 Cognitivism

       Cognitivism in psychology and philosophy is roughly the position that intelligent behavior can (only) be explained by appeal to internal "cognitive processes." (Haugeland, 1981a, p. 243)
       Cognitive science is an interdisciplinary effort drawing on psychology and linguistics, and philosophy. Emboldened by an apparent convergence of interests, some scientists in these fields have chosen not to reject mental functions out of hand as the behaviorists did. Instead, they have relied on the concept of mental representations and on a set of assumptions collectively called the functionalist positions. From this viewpoint, people behave according to knowledge made up of symbolic mental representations. Cognition consists of the manipulation of these symbols. Psychological phenomena are described in terms of functional processes.
       The efficacy of such processes resides in the possibility of interpreting items as symbols in an abstract and well-defined way, according to a set of unequivocal rules. Such a set of rules constitutes what is known as a syntax.
       The exercise of these syntactical rules is a form of computation.... Computation is assumed to be largely independent of the structure and the mode of development of the nervous system, just as a piece of computer software can run on different machines with different architectures and is thus "independent" of them....
       This point of view-called cognitivism by some-has had a great vogue and has prompted a burst of psychological work of great interest and value. Accompanying it have been a set of remarkable ideas.... I cannot overemphasize the degree to which these ideas or their variants pervade modern science.... But I must also add that the cognitivist enterprise rests on a set of unexamined assumptions. One of its most curious deficiencies is that it makes only marginal reference to the biological foundations that underlie the mechanisms it purports to explain. The result is a scientific deviation as great as that of the behaviorism it has attempted to supplant. (Edelman, 1992, pp. 13-14)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Cognitivism

  • 9 Coffey, Aeneas

    SUBJECT AREA: Chemical technology
    [br]
    b. 1779/80 England
    d. 26 November 1852 Bromley, England
    [br]
    English inventor of the Coffey still for fractional distillation.
    [br]
    As Surveyor and Inspector General of Excise in Ireland, Coffey was responsible for the suppression of the illicit distilling of alcohol. In 1818 he published a pamphlet refuting charges of oppression and brutality brought against him by Irish revenue officers. He seems to have hunted with the hounds, for as a distiller himself in Dublin, he patented in 1831 the improved form of still that bears his name. The still was quickly adopted by the whisky industry as it accomplished in a single operation what had previously required several stages using the old pot stills. It is still used in the making of potable spirits, and consists of two adjacent columns, an analyser and a rectifier. Steam is passed through the liquor in the analyser, which removes the volatile fraction, and is then fractionally condensed in the rectifier column; almost pure alcohol could be produced by this means.
    [br]
    Further Reading
    E.J.Rothery, 1968, Annals of Science 24:53.
    LRD

    Biographical history of technology > Coffey, Aeneas

См. также в других словарях:

  • Science and the Church — • Dicsusses the relationship between the two subjects Catholic Encyclopedia. Kevin Knight. 2006. Science and the Church     Science and the Church      …   Catholic encyclopedia

  • Science — This article is about the general term, particularly as it refers to experimental sciences. For the specific topics of study by scientists, see Natural science. For other uses, see Science (disambiguation) …   Wikipedia

  • Science and British philosophy: Boyle and Newton — G.A.J.Rogers INTRODUCTION Achievements in the natural sciences in the period from Nicholas Copernicus (1473– 1543) to the death of Isaac Newton (1642–1727) changed our whole understanding of the nature of the universe and of the ways in which we… …   History of philosophy

  • Science and Technology in the Ottoman Empire — covers the topics related to achievements and distinguished events that happened during the existence of the empire. The study of scientific, cultural and intellectual aspects of Ottoman history is a very new area. The culturalist approach that… …   Wikipedia

  • science, philosophy of — Branch of philosophy that attempts to elucidate the nature of scientific inquiry observational procedures, patterns of argument, methods of representation and calculation, metaphysical presuppositions and evaluate the grounds of their validity… …   Universalium

  • Science of hadith — This is a sub article of Scientific method and hadith.The Science of hadith is the process that Muslim scholars use to evaluate hadith. It has been described by one hadith specialist, Jalal al Din Abd al al Rahman al Suyuti, as the science of the …   Wikipedia

  • What Computers Can't Do — Book cover of the 1979 paperback edition See also: Philosophy of artificial intelligence Hubert Dreyfus has been a critic of artificial intelligence research since the 1960s. In a series of papers and books, including Alchemy and AI (1965), What… …   Wikipedia

  • Science (Philosophies of) — Philosophies of science Mach, Duhem, Bachelard Babette E.Babich THE TRADITION OF CONTINENTAL PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE If the philosophy of science is not typically represented as a ‘continental’ discipline it is nevertheless historically rooted in… …   History of philosophy

  • What We Believe But Cannot Prove — Infobox Book name = What We Believe But Cannot Prove: Today s Leading Thinkers on Science in the Age of Certainty title orig = translator = image caption = author = John Brockman cover artist = country = USA language = English series = subject =… …   Wikipedia

  • Science of Value — The science of value, or value science, is a creation of philosopher Robert S. Hartman, which attempts to formally elucidate value theory using both formal and symbolic logic. The fundamental principle, which functions as an axiom, and can be… …   Wikipedia

  • Science Commons — Infobox Non profit Non profit name = Science Commons Non profit vector Non profit type = Non profit organization founded date = 2005 founder = Lawrence Lessig location city = Cambridge, Massachusetts location country = United States location =… …   Wikipedia

Поделиться ссылкой на выделенное

Прямая ссылка:
… Нажмите правой клавишей мыши и выберите «Копировать ссылку»